EXILED AT HOME
Continued Forced Relocations and Displacement in Shan State
An Independent Report by the Karen Human Rights
Group
April 5, 2000 / KHRG #2000-03
This report aims to provide a picture of the current situation in central Shan
State, where the military junta ruling Burma has forcibly uprooted and destroyed over
1,400 villages and displaced well over 300,000 people since 1996. This campaign against
civilians is still continuing after 4 brutal years, leaving much of the Shan population
homeless. In this report, some of the villagers who both lived in relocation sites and hid
in the jungle to avoid relocation describe their experiences. Further background and
detail on the campaign to uproot the Shan can be found in the previous Karen Human Rights
Group reports "Killing the Shan" (KHRG
#98-03, 23/5/98) and "Forced Relocation in
Central Shan State" (KHRG #96-23, 25/6/96), which are available online
at this web site or by request from KHRG, and in the April 1998 report "Dispossessed:
Forced Relocation and Extrajudicial Killings in Shan State" by the Shan Human
Rights Foundation.
This report is based on interviews with Shan refugees conducted by a KHRG researcher in
March 2000. It consists of an introduction and executive summary briefly explaining the
background of the forced relocations and the current situation in central Shan State; the
text of the report, which chronicles the lives of villagers in three different townships;
an analysis of the future for Shan villagers; and the full text of interviews conducted
for this report and quoted within. The names of all of those interviewed have been changed
and other details omitted where necessary to protect people. False names are indicated in
quotation marks, while all other names are real. Please note that there are many ways to
transliterate Shan village names and people's names into English, so spellings here may
vary from those in other reports on the subject. For example, Murng (which can also be
spelt Mong, Mung, Merng); Nong (Nawng); Nam Zang (Nam Sang, Nam Sarng); and other similar
cases. For consistency, in most cases we have tried to keep our spellings close to those
used by the Shan Human Rights Foundation as well as those used by KHRG in our previous
reports. KHRG would like to thank the Shan Human Rights Foundation for providing
information and assistance which has been very useful in the production of this report.
Preface
..................................................................... 1
Table of Contents
........................................................ 2
Abbreviations
............................................................. 2
Map:
Shan State ...........................................................
3
Introduction
............................................................... 5
Forced Relocations,
Hunger and Fear: Lai Kha Township ....... 10
Life in Relocation
Sites: Murng Pan Township ..................... 13
Internal
Displacement and Massacres: Kun Hing Township ...... 17
Future
for the Shan
...................................................... 20
Interviews
................................................................. 25
SPDC State Peace & Development Council,
military junta ruling Burma
SLORC State Law & Order Restoration Council, former name of the
SPDC until Nov. 1997
MTA Mong Tai Army, commanded by Khun Sa, surrendered to
SLORC in January 1996.
SURA Shan United Revolutionary Army, formed by former MTA
commander Yord Serk after the MTA surrender in 1996; main group which is fighting
SLORC/SPDC. In September 1997 allied itself with SSA and SSNA to form new SSA;
SURA then became known as SSA South, and is still very actively fighting SPDC.
SSA Shan State Army, longstanding Shan armed
opposition group which made a ceasefire with SLORC/SPDC in 1991. In September 1997 allied
itself with SURA and SSNA to form new SSA, but maintained its ceasefire
status.
SSNA Shan State National Army, formed by former MTA commander
Garn Yod after the MTA surrender in 1996 and shortly thereafter made a ceasefire with
SLORC/SPDC. In September 1997 allied itself with SURA and SSA to form new SSA,
but maintained its ceasefire status.
IB Infantry Battalion
(SLORC/SPDC), usually about 500 soldiers fighting strength
LIB Light Infantry Battalion
(SLORC/SPDC), usually about 500 soldiers fighting strength
LID Light Infantry Division (SLORC/SPDC);
one Division consists of 10 LIB battalions
Kyat Burmese currency; US$1=6 Kyat at official rate,
350+ Kyat at current market rate
Baht Thai currency; US$1= approximately 36 Baht at
time of printing. Baht is also a weight measure used in weighing gold.
"They said they would shoot all of us dead. They also burned all the rice
and paddy that we left behind. They burned the paddy barn so we didn't get anything to eat
at the relocation site
It was all burned, so we didn't have anything
The
villagers from Mark Pun gave me a place to build a shelter. The villagers didn't give us
food, so we had to find it. We went into the jungle to find vegetables, but if the SPDC
soldiers saw us they killed us. We found vegetables and then sold them in Murng Pan and
bought rice
it was not enough. Sometimes we had to do without meals." -
"Loong Aw" (M, 50), Narn Tong village, Murng Pan township (Interview #5, 3/00)
The State Peace & Development Council (SPDC) military junta presently ruling Burma is
a classic case of a paranoid military regime which feels that the only way it can remain
in power and "hold the country together" is to control every inch of territory
and the daily lives of every civilian in Burma. Faced with ethnic-based armed uprisings
against its repressive rule from all over the country, in the early 1970's the SPDC's
predecessors implemented the 'Four Cuts' policy which is still in effect today. The 'Four
Cuts' aim to cut the supplies of food, funds, recruits and information to resistance
groups by systematically terrorising, controlling, and impoverishing the civilian
population in resistance areas so that they have neither the opportunity nor the means to
provide any form of support to the opposition. The main pillars of the Four Cuts policy
are the detention, torture and execution of villagers and village elders perceived as
having any contact whatsoever with the resistance; systematic extortion and pillage of the
villagers' crops, food supplies, livestock, cash and valuables; forced labour to get the
civilians working for the Army and deprive them of time to do anything else; and,
increasingly, forced relocations to sites and villages directly under the control of the
SPDC Army.
The civilian population of Shan State has suffered from serious human rights abuses ever
since the Burmese Army first entered the region in 1950, ostensibly to fight the
Kuomintang (KMT) forces who had been pushed into Shan State by the Chinese Communists.
However, the Burmese Army immediately set about colonising Shan State. Little mercy was
shown to the Shan population, particularly because Burman rulers have always seen the
Shan, with their population of an estimated 9 million (second only to the Burmans), their
well-developed culture, their princes and their well-structured society, as a rival people
to be either subjugated or eradicated from Burma. However, the Burmese Army found that it
had to fight the KMT, then the Burmese Communist Party (BCP) and a slew of Shan and other
ethnic-based resistance groups. The dissolution of the BCP in 1989 and subsequent
ceasefire deals with many of the other groups gave the Army, now under the State Law &
Order Restoration Council (SLORC) regime, the upper hand it wanted. When Khun Sa
surrendered his Mong Tai Army (MTA) in January 1996, the regime thought it was finally on
the way to complete control in Shan State.
However, most of the MTA's soldiers broke away and regrouped, primarily under the
leadership of former MTA commander Yord Serk. He formed the Shan United Revolutionary Army
(SURA) and began guerrilla operations in several areas of central Shan State. The SLORC
responded by applying the Four Cuts on an unprecedented scale. In March 1996, they
delineated a huge area of central Shan State and ordered the forced relocation and
destruction of every village in the region, whether or not these villages had had any
contact with SURA. Over 700 villages were relocated and destroyed, with well over 100,000
people displaced. However, if anything SURA only appeared to get stronger, so throughout
1997 and 1998 the SLORC, now renamed as the SPDC, expanded the target area and also forced
people who had already been moved to relocate again into larger sites under more direct
military control. By mid-1998, over 1,400 villages in 8 townships had been forcibly
relocated and destroyed, displacing a population of at least 300,000 people. Tens of
thousands of people were struggling to survive in relocation sites throughout the region,
foraging for food and begging from cars passing on the roads. The SPDC provided them
nothing. Those who tried to hide in the forests around their villages were shot on sight
by SPDC patrols, and in some cases there were systematic massacres of as many as 40 people
at a time. At least 100,000 people fled across the border into Thailand; the SPDC troops
allowed them to go, happy to see the Shan people leaving Burma.
"Whether we paid money [a bribe] to soldiers or not, it didn't matter. They
ordered us to move to the relocation site, and if we didn't move we would have been
killed. It was the same for other villagers. Sometimes villagers wanted to collect
vegetables from their old villages and when the Burmese soldiers saw them they killed
them
They didn't allow us to go back. People who owned cattle and buffaloes couldn't
take them to the relocation site, and the Burmese killed them all for food. If we portered
for the Burmese and went near our old villages, we could see them [their old villages],
but that was all." - "Sai Seng" (M, 37), Nong Harn village, Murng
Pan township (Interview #4, 3/00)
In 1997 SURA formed an alliance with the Shan State Army (SSA) and the Shan State National
Army (SSNA), both of which had ceasefire agreements with the SPDC; the new group goes
under the name of SSA, but most observers refer to Yord Serk's group as 'SSA South' to
distinguish it from the remainder of the SSA. While the SSA South continues to fight, the
remainder of the SSA has retained its ceasefire status with the SPDC. Talks between the
SSA as a whole and the SPDC to negotiate a ceasefire have supposedly been broached on
numerous occasions, but the SPDC has vowed to eradicate the SSA South militarily, and the
resistance army refuses to surrender arms and continues to operate in Shan State. While
the SPDC's tactic of destroying civilian villages to root out the SSA South has been a
complete failure, the junta's response to this failure has simply been to continue the
relocation of villages within the specified relocation zones, and to intimidate or
terrorise villagers into not returning to their homes. The village forced relocation
region spans roughly 7,000 square miles (18,000 square kilometres) in the heart of Shan
State. Since 1998 the region has not expanded significantly in size, but more and more
villages within the relocation zone have been cleared, and relocation sites have been
consolidated from smaller sites containing one or two villages to larger sites in main
towns or near military bases. SPDC patrols roam the region, burning whatever is left in
villages and shooting villagers they find on sight. Most of the villagers in this area
have been homeless since the operation began, and the displacement is taking a fatal toll.
"Our village was relocated to Nam Wan, so no one lives in our village anymore.
We moved to a relocation site and we didn't have a field. It was difficult to live and to
find food." - "Sai Kham" (M, 25), Nam Khai village, Lai Kha
township (Interview #2, 3/00)
The number of internally displaced grows exponentially, as villagers are finding it
increasingly difficult to survive in relocation sites. Lack of food is the all-consuming
concern for uprooted villagers. Those in relocation sites must compete for work on land
owned by other villagers, or farm fields at great distances from the relocation sites.
They are issued one day travel passes which are only good from dawn to dusk, leaving them
no time to work a distant field which may take hours to reach on foot. As a result their
harvest never yields enough to sustain their families. Some farmers have been allowed to
return to their villages on a temporary basis, usually during key phases in the rice
growing cycle. Most often permission has been granted to villagers who own fields close to
the relocation sites in town or along main roads. The SPDC usually has an alternative
motive for sending people back; a case in point is Wan Lao village in Kun Hing township,
where even non-native villagers were allowed to repopulate the area after the forced
relocations had resulted in the SPDC Army being unable to confiscate sufficient rice from
the villagers. The military distributed leaflets encouraging people to return, but when
they did they were bound by the same limitations and restrictions that had applied in the
relocation sites, with the additional burden of taxes and rice quotas to hand over to the
SPDC at harvest time.
"In the past Wan Lao was relocated to Kun Hing town. Last year when it was
raining and we were planting rice [around June], the Burmese soldiers allowed us to go
back to live in Wan Lao village. The original villagers in Wan Lao already owned the
fields. We were original villagers from Wan Lao but we didn't have any fields. I had
worked a hill field but it is far from our village and the Burmese soldiers didn't allow
us to go far from the village. So I had to hire myself for day labour in the fields. The
soldiers only allowed us to go in the morning and come back in the evening. If our fields
are very far, it takes a long time to walk there and come back. If we go in one day, we
have no time to work because we have to walk so far." - "Sai Long"
(M, 25), Wan Lao village, Kun Hing township (Interview
#7, 3/00)
Even when the SPDC gives them passes, the villagers are afraid to go far from the
relocation sites because of the massacres which have occurred. On several occasions the
SPDC military in relocation sites have given passes to villagers and told them they can go
back to salvage some building materials and food from their home villages, but when the
villagers assembled a convoy of bullock carts and went, they were intercepted along the
way, lined up and executed by another SPDC unit. The worst massacres have occurred in Kun
Hing township. On June 16th 1997, two groups of villagers headed back to gather
things from their home villages with passes from SLORC officers in Kun Hing relocation
site. Along their way, both groups were intercepted by SLORC troops, lined up and mown
down with automatic fire. 29 villagers died at Sai Khao, and 27 died at Tard Pa Ho. The
massacres were later confirmed by the few who had managed to escape and by video footage
of some of the remains. [See "Killing the
Shan" (KHRG #98-03, 23/5/98).] Similar massacres have occurred since and
have been documented by the Shan Human Rights Foundation. The most recent cases occurred
in late January and early February 2000 in Kun Hing township. On January 30th,
a group of villagers were returning to their village in Keng Kham village tract with
permission and passes from Infantry Battalion #246 in Kun Hing relocation site when they
were stopped by an SPDC patrol from Infantry Battalion #66. 19 of them were executed,
including 3 women. On February 12th, a group of 20 male villagers from Kun Pu
village tract who had been living in hiding in the forest were spotted by a patrol from
Infantry Battalion #246, and all 20 of them were executed; the same patrol later killed 5
women and children who were hiding in a nearby hut [for further details see below under
"Internal Displacement and Massacres: Kun Hing Township"].
Many other smaller-scale massacres and killings have also occurred recently in Kun Hing
township, some of which have been documented by the Shan Human Rights Foundation using the
testimony of villagers.
"We didn't have food so it was hard to survive. It was difficult to stay there,
and difficult to go anywhere near the village. It was difficult to enter the jungle; if
they saw us in the jungle outside the relocation site they would shoot us." -
"Sai Heng" (M, 30), Nong Harn village, Murng Pan township (Interview #3, 3/00)
Those in relocation sites must fear the violence of SPDC troops at all times. Villagers
are terrified of leaving the site for fear of being beaten, raped, or killed. Across Shan
State the testimonies of people living inside relocation sites echoes a palpable fear of
soldiers, who have taken people off the streets of relocation sites and beaten them in
surrounding forests. Many families, particularly the men, hide when they hear that
soldiers are coming through the camps for fear that they will be captured for use as
military porters. Forced labour is a constant burden for all villagers in the relocation
sites; the SPDC has forced civilians to build military camps, roads, and railways across
Shan State since the mass relocation operation began in 1996. The time required to work
for the military is also a major factor preventing people from farming their own fields or
earning money to feed their families.
"People had to do forced labour every day. If a husband has to porter, then the
wife has to go to forced labour. They can't say, 'I don't want to go to forced labour
because my husband already went to porter.' They can't stay at home freely, they have to
do forced labour. The husband is a porter, the wife works forced labour, and the children
go begging in town." - "Sai Seng" (M, 37), Nong Harn village, Murng
Pan township, describing life in Hwe Mark Pun relocation site (Interview #4, 3/00)
Due to the difficulty of survival, many villagers are fleeing relocation sites or deciding
not to go there at all when their villages are relocated. People often return to the
jungle near their former villages, where they are able to forage for food in deserted
villages or farm small plots of land in remote locations where they are unlikely to be
discovered by SPDC troops. While fighting off the threat of starvation, the daily life of
these villagers rotates on the axis of fear. They must constantly evade SPDC troops on
patrol, and those who are discovered are most often executed on sight. In the past few
villagers have opted to brave a life in the jungle, as SPDC columns regularly patrol the
areas looking for 'rebels' and shoot all villagers that they see. Now, however, the
dwindling population in the relocation sites indicates that people are exhausted by the
struggle to survive the desperate conditions inside them and would rather brave the
dangers of living in hiding in the forest than live under such abuses.
In order to survive, well over 100,000 Shan villagers have fled into Thailand in the past
four years. The SPDC troops they encounter along the way usually allow them to go, happy
to see the Shan population leaving Burma. At some border camps the soldiers even
confiscate the National Identity Cards of refugees heading for the border, so that the
SPDC can claim in future that they never lived in Burma. The Shan call themselves Tai Yai
and are related to the Thais, with similarities in language and culture. There are no
refugee camps for them so they cross the border in silent droves, slipping into the
illegal Thai labour market on rural farms and in big cities. With nothing to protect them,
many are sold into bonded labour or slavery in brothels, sweatshops, or the households of
the rich and influential in Thailand. Even so, most of them say they would rather face
these risks than attempt to survive the forced relocations. At one monitored border
crossing alone in Fang district of northern Thailand, approximately 1,000-1,200 new
refugees are now crossing each month. Their swelling numbers have flooded the job market
near the border, making it harder to find illegal work to survive and forcing many to head
further into Thailand, which exponentially increases their risk of arrest or entrapment
into slavery. At the same time, the Thai authorities have been cracking down on illegal
labour, making it even more difficult for the Shan refugees to avoid arrest, abuse and
possible deportation. Many have called for refugee camps to be established for them, but
the Thai authorities refuse to consider creating any new refugee camps on the grounds that
it would create a 'pull factor'. Very few foreign governments or agencies are willing to
stand up for the Shan villagers, viewing them as though they are all 'narcotics producers'
simply because most of Burma's heroin and methamphetamines come from Shan State. In
reality, virtually all of the refugees are rice and fruit farmers and have no connection
whatsoever to opium, heroin or methamphetamine production.
"It became very difficult to do anything to make a living. We couldn't work our
fields in the old village because if the soldiers found us, they would shoot us. We heard
that if we came to work in Thailand, we would have enough to stay here and eat."
- "Sai Harn" (M, 40), Wo Long village, Kun Hing township (Interview #6, 3/00)
For a comprehensive analysis, detailed maps, and a township-by-township breakdown of the
forced relocation campaign, please see the Shan Human Rights Foundation report "Dispossessed:
Forced Relocation and Extrajudicial Killings in Shan State", April 1998. For
additional background reading about the relocations, see the Karen Human Rights Group
reports "Killing the Shan"
(KHRG #98-03, 23/5/98) and "Forced
Relocations in Central Shan State" (KHRG #96-23, 25/6/96). In the
sections below, we will use the testimonies of villagers who fled to Thailand in
February/March 2000 to look at the current state of the situation in three of the
townships most severely affected by the forced relocations: Lai Kha, Murng Pan, and Kun
Hing. The villagers describe the events surrounding their village relocation and their
subsequent experiences living in relocation sites or internally displaced in the forests.
Their testimonies are typical of those given by hundreds of refugees crossing to Thailand
every month from central Shan State.
Forced Relocations, Hunger and Fear: Lai Kha Township
"
we didn't have a field in Nam Wan. We are not original villagers
there, so we were day workers. Sometimes we went back to work at our original village, but
the Burmese soldiers found us and shot at us. Since we were not allowed to go back to our
village, we didn't have land to work to get food. I could not go back to my village to
farm my own land. There was no work to do. We heard people say that at least we can
survive on small wages in Thailand. We had to borrow money from our relatives and come to
Thailand." - "Sai Kham" (M, 25), Nam Khai village, Lai Kha township
(Interview #2, 3/00)
In March 1996 the SLORC started forcibly relocating villages in Lai Kha township, moving
most of them first to sites along the motor road from Lai Kha to Murng Nong, then
eventually to either the town of Lai Kha or to Parng Pone where there is a large SPDC
military camp. By 1997 the SHRF had documented the relocation of 201 villages and 8,735
households in Lai Kha township, and by now in early 2000 almost all the villages in the
northern and eastern part of the township have been relocated.
After the initial relocations in 1996-97, the SPDC allowed some villagers staying in Lai
Kha to return to their original villages to work their fields, charging them 180 Kyat for
a travel pass to do so. This privilege was mainly granted to villagers who owned fields
close to town or along the main Lai Kha-Murng Nong road. Some villages in the southern
part of the township were given permission to return to their villages to stay, apparently
on a 'good behaviour' temporary basis. This grace period lasted under a year however, and
when the SPDC was unable to root out the Shan resistance armies from the area, villages
were ordered to relocate again without warning in late 1998. This relocation campaign was
particularly brutal, involving the arrest, torture, and killing of many villagers, as well
as the burning of many villages. When SPDC soldiers came to Nam Khai village they gave the
villagers one hour to collect their belongings and vacate the village before the soldiers
burned it.
"[The village was first relocated] in '97. First I went to live in the
relocation site, then we went to ask the Burmese officer for permission to come back to
our village for a short time. So we came back to live and work in Nam Khai. In September
'98 another group of soldiers came to our village and ordered us to move again. Then they
burned our whole village and then we moved to Nam Wan again. The soldiers didn't say
anything. They came to our village at 4:00 in the evening. They told us to take our things
down to the ground and they gave us one hour. This season was our working season and we
were very busy. By 5:00 we couldn't move all of our things, but the soldiers burned all of
our houses. Only two houses were left out of thirty. We could save only one third of our
things, and the Burmese took away the good things that they liked, then they burned the
rest
They burned the paddy with the houses, and they scattered the rice on the
street." - "Sai Kham" (M, 25), Nam Khai village, Lai Kha township (Interview #2, 3/00)
The SPDC forces arrested nearly half the population of Nam Khai, and the others only
escaped because they had not yet returned from working in their fields that day. Families
were separated as soldiers grabbed any villagers they could find, tied them together, then
took them to an SPDC military camp for days where they were questioned about the movements
of Shan resistance armies in the area. Young and old, men and women, sick and healthy were
carted away, including one infant who was arrested though the mother was not. Before they
left the village, the troop set fire to the houses, destroying all but two. After the
remaining villagers watched their relatives disappear and their houses burn, they
scrambled to salvage enough money to bribe the SPDC officers to release their friends and
family members.
"The soldiers gathered the villagers in Nam Khai and took them in bullock
carts, even some old people. They arrested all the villagers and detained them in Nam Wo
Khao Sein for 2 days. After that, they took them to their office in Nam Jan town. They
took only the mother of some villagers, or only the daughter of others. The commander
questioned the villagers, 'Have you seen Shan soldiers or not?' They beat and tortured
them, and some were afraid and ill, and some died. All the young men were tied and beaten
on the way to Nam Wo Khao Sein. They kicked the villagers. One old woman named Nai Nu was
beaten and kicked, and she died at home after she came back. They arrested more than 30
villagers. Some were children, even a baby 2-3 months old. They didn't arrest the mother,
only the baby. The other villagers had to collect money and pay for their release. They
just seized anyone they could get their hands on. The villagers paid for their release and
they were released. Then the villagers hired 3 small trologies [small Chinese tractors] to
drive themselves back to Nam Wan [relocation site]." - "Sai Kham"
(M, 25), Nam Khai village, Lai Kha township (Interview
#2, 3/00)
Nam Wan relocation site is on the border of Nam Zang township, about a 4 hour walk from
Nam Khai. Villagers from Nam Khai faced the same problem there that plagues villagers
across Shan State who are forced into relocation sites far from their native villages: all
surrounding land is already owned, so it is impossible to work a field and earn a living.
After being relocated twice, the Nam Khai villagers no longer retained any hope of
returning to their original village to stay, especially after the village was finally
destroyed. Fighting for survival at relocation sites is even more precarious, especially
when the sites consolidate or more people are forced into them. Securing jobs as field
hands becomes competitive, as does foraging for the little food available, and there is no
possibility of farming their own fields. The SPDC military and civilian authorities
provide nothing at all to the relocated villagers; instead they demand forced labour, food
and money from them. Many relocated villagers decide to head for Thailand, where at least
jobs as day field labourers will bring in a meagre income to feed their families.
"It was difficult to live and find food in the relocation site. Before when we
lived in our original village we could eat 3 times a day. In the relocation site we only
had enough to eat once or twice a day." - "Nang Sai" (F, 30), Wan
Mai village, Lai Kha township (Interview #1,
3/00)
Although not all villages are destroyed when their relocation orders are issued, soldiers
never fail to threaten the villagers with such consequences if they fail to obey the order
by the given deadline. When the SLORC/SPDC relocated Wan Mai village in 1997, they gave
the villagers 3 days to move and threatened to burn the village if its citizens did not
cooperate; then they returned after only 2 days, drove the villagers out at gunpoint and
burned the village regardless. Some villages, like Wan Mai, have been driven further away
to main relocation sites such as Kho Lam, just across the township boundary in Nam Zang
township. Living conditions in Kho Lam are known to be particularly desperate; food is so
scarce that many families resort to begging along the main road to Nam Zang. Villagers are
thus forced to violate orders confining them to the relocation site, and they return to
their old villages to forage for food. If they are found by SPDC soldiers out on patrol,
they are shot on sight, no questions asked.
"The Burmese soldiers only said, 'All of you will be moved.' They relocated us
to Kho Lam. We had to go
The soldiers threatened that if we didn't move, they would
burn all our houses. First the soldiers came and told the village head, and he told the
villagers. They said we had three days. But before the deadline the soldiers came and
drove us out. We all moved together to Kho Lam
Some people didn't have enough food in
the relocation site, so they returned to their villages to get food. But also many people
tried to forage just outside of the relocation site, and the soldiers didn't allow us to
go outside so they killed them
It was very difficult to survive in Kho Lam.
Sometimes the villagers went back to their original villages to get their animals like
cattle or buffaloes, and if the Burmese soldiers saw them they would shoot them. Sometimes
the village men went back to pick their vegetables and crops. The Burmese soldiers killed
them like they would kill a chicken or a bird.
I heard about many incidents of
Burmese soldiers killing villagers, but I only knew one. He was my Uncle. He went back to
his village to gather vegetables and the Burmese shot him. When we moved to the site I
didn't carry anything with us; I only had the clothes on my back. I didn't carry food or
any of our animals. So soon after we got there our Uncle went back to look for our animals
and for food. The Burmese soldiers found him on the way and shot him." -
"Nang Sai" (F, 30), Wan Mai village, Lai Kha township (Interview #1, 3/00)
Villagers at this site have faced constant assaults on their safety since they arrived. In
February 1997, after a SURA attack on a SLORC military unit, the SLORC troops retaliated
by firing mortar shells without warning into Kho Lam relocation site. Six villagers,
including 3 children, were killed while hiding from the shells in a ditch. On January 24th
2000, a fire that started in Kho Lam village spread to the relocation site, destroying an
estimated 300 homes there and killing 2 villagers. The perilous life for villagers in Kho
Lam creates an atmosphere of fear in the relocation site, which living in close proximity
to soldiers only exacerbates. Women constantly fear rape and sexual assault by soldiers
who accost them outside this and other relocation sites while they are foraging for food.
Likewise, men are often beaten or tortured out of sight of other villagers. While
villagers have no choice but to find what little work is available in surrounding fields
or to scavenge for vegetables in the nearby forests, fear of physical abuse by SPDC
soldiers is a daily, preoccupying reality.
"We were always afraid. Many women were raped when they went outside the
relocation site and were found by the Burmese. I was never raped by Burmese soldiers, but
I heard women crying and yelling out, 'Help me!' Some women got sick after they were raped
[with sexually transmitted diseases]." - "Nang Sai" (F, 30), Wan
Mai village, Lai Kha township (Interview #1,
3/00)
"
twice I heard that women were raped, but I don't know their names
because those women were from another relocation site. The women were going to their
workplace which is 2 hours away by foot from Wan Lao. The Burmese soldiers saw them and
went to rape them." - "Sai Long" (M, 25), Wan Lao village, Kun Hing
township (Interview #7, 3/00)
"If the Burmese killed our husbands, we had to stay in the relocation site and
do forced labour for them
The Burmese soldiers ordered us to work for them. If we
didn't go to work for them, they beat us and tortured us
Sometimes we had to go
carry water, and sometimes find bamboo or wood for cooking fires. We had to build a
military camp and clear the sides of the road. In Kho Lam there are many houses and many
villagers so it would be a while before I would have to do forced labour again. Maybe in
one month we went 2 or 3 times, but one time might be 10 days long." -
"Nang Sai" (F, 30), Wan Mai village, Lai Kha township (Interview #1, 3/00)
Life in Relocation Sites: Murng
Pan Township
"They didn't permit us to leave our village [to go outside the village
boundary], then the Burmese soldiers moved us. They came to the village and told us to
move. They threatened us and tied us up and beat us. They killed three people
Chit
Ta was one man. Jan Tee Ma was another one. Dtee Ya [was the other man]. They were cutting
bamboo and floating it down the river, then the Burmese troops came and found them and
killed them. They saw them and then they killed them. They had done nothing wrong. They
came and saw those people and killed them, then they told the village to move." -
"Loong Aw" (M, 50), Narn Tong village, Murng Pan township (Interview #5, 3/00)
Villages in Murng Pan township were spared in the mass relocations of 1996, but the SPDC
began driving villagers out in 1997 when SURA started operating in the township. Through
1997 and 1998 the SLORC/SPDC expanded the relocation area into Murng Pan, and some
villagers reported that they were forced to move from one relocation site to another 3 or
4 times as the Army consolidated the population more and more. Many villagers were beaten
in the process, including at least one massacre of villagers who had already been granted
written permission to return to their village. Villagers from Murng Pan township who were
relocated in late 1998 and early 1999 have been interviewed by KHRG, and their stories are
very similar with respect to the brutality that SPDC troops used to relocate them. In Nong
Harn and Nam Tong villages, soldiers arrested, tortured, and killed villagers before they
had even had a chance to gather their belongings. Villages are usually given 3 days to
relocate, but sometimes, as in the case of Nong Harn village in the southern part of Murng
Pan, villagers have been told to move within the day; soldiers threatened that they would
burn the village and kill its inhabitants if they refused to comply with the order. In
Nong Harn, when they came to issue the relocation order the soldiers also killed one
villager and savagely beat two village heads until they agreed to pay a ransom for their
release in gold. Three villagers were killed outside Narn Tong village as troops entered
to hand a relocation order to the village head. Terrorised villagers were too afraid to
gather their belongings, or they realised that the relocation site was too far from their
village to carry the majority of their possessions, so they were forced to leave most
things behind for the SPDC soldiers to loot. As a final gesture of warning in Narn Tong,
the soldiers burned the rice and paddy, preventing the villagers from bringing along their
sole food supply. The SPDC provided them with neither food nor building materials at the
relocation site in Hwe Mark Pun; if villagers were lucky enough to have relatives living
near the sites they could procure a bit of food, but many ended up in debt after covering
the costs of rebuilding their lives in a new location far from home.
"When they came to relocate the village they arrested and tied us. They tied us
two by two around our necks. They tied our hands behind us. They beat two village leaders.
The SPDC told them to pay them one baht weight of gold each. The two men paid them the
gold because the SPDC had beaten them in the head and their blood was gushing out. The two
men gave the gold and they released them. The two men who the SPDC beat were the head man
and the one who helped the village head [his assistant]. They killed Aye Nya, but they
didn't ask him to give any gold beforehand; they just killed him
The SPDC didn't say
anything; they gathered all the villagers in the center of the village and tied them up.
Some people ran away, but the people who stayed in the village were tied up. They took the
two leaders to a separate place. They covered their heads with plastic tarps and trampled
them. Then they forced them to pay the gold." - "Sai Heng" (M, 30),
Nong Harn village, Murng Pan township (Interview #3,
3/00)
"They beat us and tied us. They threatened to kill us and burn down the village.
After they relocated us to Hwe Mark Pun they didn't allow us to go back to our village, so
we don't know if they burned it all or not. But I saw the Burmese soldiers burn 5 houses
in our village. They didn't allow us to go back; if we went back they would have killed
us. We were afraid to go back." - "Sai Seng" (M, 37), Nong Harn
village, Murng Pan township (Interview #4, 3/00)
"They came and ordered us to move on the same day, and if we didn't finish they
said they would burn our houses that day
No, they didn't tell us [where they would
move]. They told us 'Go and find your relatives and stay with your relatives near the town
[Murng Pan].' They said they would kill all the people who refused to leave
For the
old people we used bullock carts. Everybody moved, even the monks
we were allowed to
take our things, but we could only take about one third of what we had
Some of us
could take our food, but some could not. The SPDC took everything that the villagers could
not take with us." - "Sai Heng" (M, 30), Nong Harn village, Murng
Pan township (Interview #3, 3/00)
Villagers in Murng Pan township have mainly been relocated to the main town and sites
along the motor road. Nam Tong and Nong Harn villages were forced to move to the village
of Hwe Mark Pun close to Murng Pan, where they quickly doubled the size of the small
village. The main problem they immediately faced was that native villagers in the area
already owned the surrounding fields, so the newcomers had no opportunity to farm close to
the relocation site. Consequently they were forced to tend fields quite far away, but the
military authorities only permitted them to leave the immediate vicinity of the relocation
site between dawn and dusk. Many villagers' fields were at least a half day's walk away,
leaving them no time to farm by the time they had to return by evening. They were never
allowed to return to their villages to collect their stored food or belongings to
sellmost of which had already been looted by SPDC troops anywayand if soldiers
caught them trying to return to their villages they were shot on sight.
"If they allowed us to go outside the relocation site, we could find some food.
When they didn't allow us to go outside, we could only buy 10 milk tins [about 2 kilos/4.4
lb of rice]. Sometimes we went to the jungle near the relocation site and foraged for
vegetables, then we sold them in town. If we got a lot of money from selling them, we
could buy rice. Sometimes we didn't have anything to eat. They [the SPDC] didn't give us
anything
We went to buy it [rice] in town [Murng Pan]
we had to cut wood and
bamboo by ourselves and build our own shelters." - "Sai Heng" (M,
30), Nong Harn village, Murng Pan township (Interview
#3, 3/00)
"After 5:00 in the evening, the Burmese soldiers did not allow us to walk on
the road outside the village [relocation site], and if they saw us they would shoot us. We
couldn't have our own fields, because the villagers already owned the fields around the
relocation site
The villagers go to the areas around the relocation site and work
the fields [hire themselves out for a daily wage]. We can only hire ourselves out to work
by the day. When the paddy was yellow and ready to harvest, we made a big stack. Then the
Burmese soldiers ordered us to return to the relocation site, and during the night the
Burmese soldiers went to the fields and threshed the paddy for themselves. The soldiers
forced someone to drive a trology [small Chinese tractor which can haul a small cart] from
town to the field, then to carry the paddy back to the camp. When the field owner went to
the field to collect his paddy, there was only a little bit left." -
"Sai Seng" (M, 37), Nong Harn village, Murng Pan township (Interview #4, 3/00)
"In the village, before they came to relocate the villagers, the villagers
could plant their rice anywhere they liked. But after we moved to the relocation site we
were restricted to the site and we were not allowed to go out." - "Sai
Heng" (M, 30), Nong Harn village, Murng Pan township (Interview #3, 3/00)
The other factor preventing people from earning a living at relocation sites is
the forced labour they are required to do for the Army, whose officers see the relocated
villagers as a convenient pool of forced labourers. Villagers living at Hwe Mark Pun site
are constantly called to work, mainly to build military camps in the township. Standard
practice is to force civilians to go to villages that have already been relocated,
dismantle people's homes and fences, and then use those materials to build the camps.
People complain of having to work for the SPDC Army twice as much as they are able to work
for themselves, and no one is spared from duty. While typically the men go as military
porters, women and children have to fufil the Army's demands for other forms of forced
labour, which usually include building and maintaining Army camps, doing unarmed sentry
duty on motor roads, clearing scrub from the roadsides (to make it difficult for
resistance forces to ambush SPDC columns), and maintaining roads. In the past, villagers
in relocation sites have also been used to build railways, such as the track from Shwe
Nyaung to Nam Zang, from Nam Zang southward to Murng Nai and from Shwe Nyaung up the hills
to Taunggyi. Portering, however, is generally the most feared form of forced labour,
because porters are often severely abused and a shift involves a prolonged absence from
wage earning; for these reasons, men and sometimes even women and children hide in the
forests surrounding relocation sites when they hear that SPDC troops are collecting
porters. Villagers living in smaller relocation sites like Hwe Mark Pun are called on for
forced labour and portering more often than in larger sites, where the work load can be
rotated among a larger population. It is extremely difficult for these villagers to earn
enough to survive under such constraints.
"We had to cut bamboo and dismantle the fences in the deserted villages that
had already been relocated. They used it to build the military camp. Some days we went to
villages that had already been relocated, gathered the cattle and buffaloes and brought
them to the military camp. We had to kill the animals for the soldiers. We couldn't tell
them that we couldn't go. We had to take sharp knives with us to cut bamboo and kill the
animals. Every three days we had to do forced labour for one day. Each time they took
15-20 villagers to do forced labour. If the paddy was ready to thresh, we would do it for
the soldiers [in fields the military had confiscated]. We were forced to sell our own rice
to the Burmese military. We couldn't do anything about it. If they ordered us to work for
them, we had to go." - "Sai Seng" (M, 37), Nong Harn village, Murng
Pan township (Interview #4, 3/00)
" [We were called to forced labour] many times. Usually the porters were yoked
up to poles they used to carry their loads. Mostly men had to go for portering, and women
and children had to go to do other forced labour, and sometimes women had to follow the
bullock carts [which were doing forced labour hauling materials]
all the time we
were afraid of the Burmese soldiers. Sometimes we had to hide and go sleep somewhere else
[the men had to flee the site periodically when the soldiers came looking for
porters]
We had to hide in the jungle for 2 or 3 days sometimes. Mostly we didn't
have anything to eat, but sometimes if our relatives knew where we were they managed to
bring food to us. Most of the time the men had to run away, but sometimes the women and
children also had to hide." - "Loong Aw" (M, 50), Narn Tong
village, Murng Pan township (Interview #5, 3/00)
"They forced us to cut wood and bamboo to build the military camp, and we had
to dismantle houses and the monastery in Ba Ka village and Wan Lan village. These two
villages had already been relocated
They used them to build the military camps
We had to go and do forced labour 20 times for every 10 times [days] we could do our own
work. Only the village head was spared from forced labour.
Some had to go for a
month or half a month. When we went to porter, the SPDC yoked the porters together
They beat us if we couldn't carry our loads properly and if we couldn't go fast enough.
Some were also killed. I had to go so many times
I was beaten once. I was carrying
rice and I couldn't climb up a steep mountain, so I was beaten. Then they pushed me from
behind with a stick to make me go. [They collected us] At the relocation site in Hwe Mark
Pun
We went 4 or 5 times a month. I also had to porter in Nong Harn [before the
relocation]. If the village is far from town, the SPDC tortures the villagers. They always
took us for forced labour. We went on rotation. Sometimes they took our mules and horses,
and sometimes people, about 7 or 8 at a time." - "Sai Heng" (M,
30), Nong Harn village, Murng Pan township (Interview
#3, 3/00)
In addition to fearing capture to be used as porters, villagers must also avoid SPDC
soldiers who beat and kill civilians without explanation. Extrajudicial killings are
commonplace in relocation sites throughout Shan State, and Murng Pan township is no
exception; villagers reported six cases within the past year. While all the victims were
killed outside the relocation site, some were not far from the sites at all. In several
cases recently, people have actually been dragged off the main street of the relocation
site to the surrounding bush and beaten terribly, in at least one case almost to death.
Villagers have always known that they are vulnerable to the whims of drunken or aggressive
SPDC soldiers if caught outside the sites working in fields, selling vegetables in town,
or searching for food in forests, but they must even be on guard within the 'safe'
confines of the relocation site. Ironically, the SPDC claims that it sequesters villagers
in relocation sites so that its troops can 'protect' the civilians against attacks by
'insurgent' groups. It is the SPDC soldiers, however, whom villagers fear the most.
"They took two men off the street of the relocation site, then went out of the
village and beat them. They didn't say anything [they didn't explain why], but afterwards
we found out they [the soldiers] were drunk." - "Sai Heng" (M, 30),
Nong Harn village, Murng Pan township (Interview #3,
3/00)
"They came and took some people away and beat them almost to death. But I don't
know why, because they hadn't disobeyed or anything like that. One person was killed. He
was a villager from Hwe Mark Pun village. His name was Wah Li. He was 30 years old. We
could not go out of the relocation site to farm or do anything, and if we were found we
would be killed." - "Loong Aw" (M, 50), Narn Tong village, Murng
Pan township (Interview #5, 3/00)
"They went out to forage for food and to catch fish in the stream
If the
SPDC finds villagers, they don't ask any questions. As soon as they saw them they shot
them. Two of them escaped but three were shot dead. Five people went out together but two
managed to escape
The two who escaped came and told us that 3 of our friends were
shot dead." - "Sai Heng" (M, 30), Nong Harn village, Murng Pan
township (Interview #3, 3/00)
Internal Displacement and Massacres: Kun Hing Township
"The Burmese soldiers came to our village twice and ordered us to move. The
first time they came they ordered us to move on the full moon of that month, and the
village head talked to them and asked for more time. Then the Burmese soldiers gave us
permission to stay in the original village. After 15 days the officer changed [because the
troops rotated], and they came again to our village. They told us again to move in the 6th
month [of the Shan lunar calendar, or May by the western calendar], then we moved that
day
They [the people from his village] relocated to 3 places: Kali town, Kun Hing
town, and Nam Karn village. They ordered us to move to the northern part of Kun Hing, but
I don't know the name of the village. Many people stayed in the jungle like us. Only a few
villagers went to the relocation site, but many more lived in the jungle like me. The
villagers who lived in the jungle were big families, and didn't move to the town because
we worried that we would have to build a house and find food for all of us. All of the
villages in the Keng Kham tract were ordered to relocate on the same day. They gave us 3
days, and if we hadn't moved in 3 days the Burmese soldiers would have shot us dead."
- "Sai Harn" (M, 40), Wo Long village, Kun Hing township (Interview #6, 3/00)
Kun Hing township is divided by the Nam Pang River and bounded by the Salween River in the
east. All of the villages in this area were relocated in 1996-97 to either Kun Hing town
or along the Kung Hing-Murng Paeng Road. Many villagers chose not to move to the
relocation sites, settling instead along the Nam Pang River in remote locations, such as
islands that obscured them from view of SPDC soldiers. One man from Wo Long village who
was hiding for nearly 3 years explained that it is most often the larger families who
decide not to risk starvation in relocation sites, preferring to remain where they can at
least fish and forage for food in the jungle. Villagers occasionally emerge from hiding to
buy rice, medicine, and other necessary supplies in the nearest town. Although food might
be more accessible in the jungle than in relocation sites, it is still not enough because
villagers cannot plant more than small patches of crops without risking discovery; their
seed supplies are also extremely limited, and they sometimes lose crops when they have to
flee to dodge SPDC patrols. The internally displaced live in extremely precarious
circumstances, always fearing discovery by SPDC soldiers.
"We lived in the fields because we are poor and we didn't have anything. We
have many children, a big family, so we didn't move. We didn't try to move anywhere [to
the relocation site]; we decided to live there even though we didn't have enough food and
we always worried for the future and whether the Burmese soldiers would come and kill
us
We lived on an island in the Nam Pang [River]. [We stayed there] more than 2
years. It will be 3 years in the coming 6th month [of the Shan lunar calendar,
or May 2000 according to a western calendar]
If the Burmese soldiers didn't come
around there, we went out and foraged for food. Sometimes we went to our original village
and found some food there. Sometimes we bought rice and food from Kali town. If soldiers
were around, we didn't go, but if there were no soldiers then we could get food from Kali.
If we met soldiers, we threw away our food and ran away
People live in the jungle
and they are afraid to face the soldiers. If we heard that soldiers were marching or if we
found their tracks, we were afraid and we hid. We stayed quiet and made no movement."
- "Sai Harn" (M, 40), Wo Long village, Kun Hing township (Interview #6, 3/00)
The SURA has been very active in Kun Hing township, and as a result the area was the site
of several retaliatory massacres of villagers by SPDC troops during the mass relocations
of 1997. Over 300 villagers were killed in relocation sites or while trying to visit their
former villages. In several cases, relocated villagers were given passes to return from
Kun Hing relocation site to salvage food and possessions from their villages, only to be
met on the way and massacred by SPDC units waiting for them. On June 16th 1997,
the SPDC used this tactic to massacre 29 villagers at Sai Khao and another 27 villagers at
Tard Pa Ho, apparently with the intention of intimidating the SURA and as a threat to
villagers not to return to their homes [for details on these massacres and a KHRG
interview with a survivor, see "Killing the
Shan" (KHRG #98-03, 23/5/98)]. Internally displaced persons still living
in the area are most vulnerable to acts of SPDC violence, and they continue to be killed
with appalling frequency. The SPDC Army has made Kun Hing one of the bloodiest townships
in all of Burma. In the latest of several recent massacres, 80-90 soldiers from SPDC
Infantry Battalion #246 killed 19 villagers on February 12th 2000 who were
celebrating a ritual to honour the guardian spirits of their village tract at Loi Mak Hin
Tang (a.k.a. Meh Hin Tang). The civilians were originally from 4 villages in the Kun Pu
village tract: Kun Pu, Pang Kha, Loi Yang, and Na Ke, but they had been hiding in the
jungle for at least 3 years after the SPDC relocated their villages in 1997. They went
regularly to the sacred site where they paid respects to an altar erected by their
ancestors. On this particular day they were discovered by an Infantry Battalion #246
patrol who captured and executed them, killing all 20 male villagers, then an additional 5
women and children hiding in a nearby hut.
This massacre followed a similar one that occurred in Keng Kham village tract on January
30th 2000, where 19 villagers were massacred while clearing a space in the
jungle to rebuild their village. This group of villagers had been issued passes by IB #246
allowing them to return to Keng Kham from Kun Hing relocation site, but IB #66 surprised
them in the middle of the jungle while they were in the process of clearing ground. The
soldiers surrounded them and shot all the villagers dead, including 3 women. Some
villagers have testified that the SPDC captured one porter from the group, who later
escaped and returned to the Keng Kham area to tell others about the event. Both incidents
were documented in detail by the Shan Human Rights Foundation [for additional details
on these massacres, including names of some of those killed, see the Shan Human Rights
Foundation's monthly newsletters from February and March 2000.]
"I heard about it, but I didn't see it myself. I didn't see the dead bodies.
This happened in the 2nd month [of the Shan lunar calendar; it actually
occurred on February 12th]. It's true they all really died, but we don't know
the place where they died. They didn't come back home [to the area around their original
village where they had been hiding with other displaced villagers]. Their original village
was Kun Pu.
The villagers were going to a ceremony for the guardian spirits of Keng
Kham village tract at Meh Hin Tang. The 20 people did not come from the relocation site.
They had been living in the jungle, and then they were going to the ceremony and the
Burmese soldiers met them on the path and took them away
The soldiers found them on
the path, then they shot over their heads, so they were afraid to run away. Then they took
them to another place and killed them later, but no one knows where. The Burmese soldiers
didn't kill them at that place [Meh Hin Tang]." - "Sai Harn" (M,
40), Wo Long village, Kun Hing township (Interview #6,
3/00)
In the past 3 years most of the villages south of Kun Hing town along the Nam Pang River,
a tributary of the Salween, have been displaced or relocated, leaving few villagers to
fulfil the rice quotas that the military imposed on the area. The SPDC began allowing both
native and non-native villagers to return to some villages south of Kun Hing in order to
augment the rice yield. This tactic generated tough competition for fields between
original villagers who had once owned fields and the newcomers to the area looking for
free plots to farm; as a result most were unable to farm their own fields and had little
choice but to hire themselves out as day labourers. Often these fields were at great
distances from their villages, and the SPDC continued to restrict travel for farmers in
the area to one day, with heavy fines for overstaying. Hence farmers encountered the same
problems they had faced in the relocation sites, except now they were expected to hand
over 1 basket of rice from every basket of paddy they used in planting. This worked out to
roughly half the harvest, before factoring in overhead costs and other taxes the villagers
had to pay to the SPDC. Stray animals also demolished much of the crop before harvest
because farmers were prevented from sleeping in their fields to guard them. To make
matters worse for the farmers, the SPDC also used the villagers for forced labour to build
the military camp in Wan Lao, where troops are now based to control the villagers and
enforce the rice quotas in the surrounding areas.
"First we were relocated to Kun Hing town, and then we were allowed to come
back. Then we had to build a military camp in Wan Lao. The troops at Wan Lao have been
forcing the villagers to work
because there has been no one to take care of the
fields around Wan Lao since the villagers have been relocated. If you use one basket of
paddy, you have to give the Burmese one basket of rice after the harvest. Sometimes the
soldiers don't want rice but they want money
If we plant one basket and we get a lot
of rice, then we only give the Burmese one basket and we still have a lot. If we want to
sell to other people and get money, then we can. We get a lot of rice if the animals don't
come into the fields and eat our rice. We don't have permission to sleep in the fields, so
we can't guard them at night. We can't protect our fields
Out of our harvest, we had
to pay the buffalo owners to plough the fields [they pay in rice for the use
of buffaloes to plough], and we had to buy paddy to plant, and then we had to pay people
to help us plant and harvest and thresh, and then we had to pay people to carry the rice
back to the village, then we had to pay taxes to the Burmese. If the growing time has
finished [and the paddy is ready to harvest] and animals come to eat our rice, then we
lose the rice and we have to buy rice to pay the Burmese soldiers." -
"Sai Long" (M, 25), Wan Lao village, Kun Hing township (Interview #7, 3/00)
"They allowed people to go to stay at Wan Lao. They distributed leaflets
announcing that anyone who wanted to go to stay at Wan Lao could go [people from that
original village who had been staying in relocation sites could go back]. The villagers
from Keng Kham tract had permission to live in Wan Lao if they wanted to. People from
everywhere, from Keng Kham and Keng Lom village tracts, went to live in Wan Lao. People
who were relocated to Kali are now moving to Wan Lao. I don't know how many people live in
Wan Lao, but I know that many have moved there." - "Sai Harn" (M,
40), Wo Long village, Kun Hing township (Interview #6,
3/00)
"If we had to work outside our village we had to take rice with us, only enough for
one meal. We had to get a travel pass from the Burmese, then we could go in the morning
and come back in the evening, but we couldn't stay overnight. Now many villagers are
coming to live in Wan Lao because many people from other places have been given permission
to come to Wan Lao. There is not much free land to be found. I had to go far away to farm.
There was no time to do any work because it ran out on the way [because he could only go
for one day, he had to spend all his time travelling and did not have enough time to work
his fields]
The Burmese issued us a travel pass for only one day. If we slept at our
farms for one or two nights, and the Burmese came to ask us for our papers and it was past
the date, then we had to pay them 3,000 Kyat
If the soldiers find out that you have
stayed out longer than you were allowed, they fine you. The poor people cannot afford to
pay, so they run away. If they caught them when they tried to run away, they arrested
them. Then they beat them and tortured them. Some soldiers only beat them but some
soldiers beat them until they almost died. Three of my relatives were beaten: my uncle, my
cousin, and my brother. This was last year during the rice planting time." -
"Sai Long" (M, 25), Wan Lao village, Kun Hing township (Interview #7, 3/00)
"I don't have a plan. I would like to stay here as long as
the situation is bad in my home village. I would like to return when it's safer."
- "Sai Long" (M, 25), Wan Lao village, Kun Hing township, speaking after his
arrival in Thailand (Interview #7, 3/00)
Recently there have been reports that Yord Serk, commander of the SSA South, is interested
in holding talks with the SPDC, but the SPDC has shown little or no willingness to engage
in any kind of sincere negotiations with him; instead, it appears that if Yord Serk is not
willing to surrender with few or no conditions, the regime will likely pursue its goal of
wiping his army out militarily. This would be virtually impossible to accomplish, so
unless some kind of negotiations do occur the situation will remain at a stalemate. The
SPDC will likely take out its frustration by continuing to relocate and re-relocate more
villagers, destroy what still remains of villages in central Shan State, and hunt and kill
villagers on sight. Over the past year the geographic area of forced relocations has not
significantly expanded, but this would almost certainly occur if the SSA South becomes any
stronger or expands its area of operations at all. For the villagers, there is little or
nothing they can do except struggle to survive in the middle of this situation. Life in
the relocation sites is becoming ever more difficult, but so is life in hiding in the
forests around their villages. For as long as the present situation continues, many more
villagers will continue to die, whether quickly by shooting or torture, or slowly through
the combination of hunger, disease, and backbreaking forced labour. The two most viable
options for many people in the area are presently flight to other parts of Burma or to
Thailand.
Even if the SSA South and the SPDC were to reach an agreement that would put an end to the
forced relocations, it would take years for the hundreds of thousands of people already
affected to rebuild their villages, rebuild their homes and lives, and re-establish their
fields and livestock. Such an effort would require a great amount of outside material
support, but it is extremely doubtful whether any such help would be forthcoming. The SPDC
would certainly provide nothing. In fact, experience with other ceasefires makes it clear
that if the SPDC were to reach a ceasefire with the SSA South, the regime would then send
even more troops into the region to consolidate its control, and the result could only be
ever more demands for forced labour, money and food from the villagers as they are trying
to rebuild.
"They came to our village at 4:00 in the evening. They told us to take our
things down to the ground and they gave us one hour. This season was our working season
and we were very busy. By 5:00 we couldn't move all of our things, but the soldiers burned
all of our houses. Only two houses were left out of thirty. We could save only one third
of our things, and the Burmese took away the good things that they liked, then they burned
the rest. They burned the paddy with the houses, and they scattered the rice on the
street." - "Sai Kham" (M, 25), Nam Khai village, Lai Kha township (Interview #2, 3/00)
Even if foreign aid donors were to offer to help, the SPDC persists in denying that the
problem even exists or that a single person has been forced to move in Shan State. Foreign
aid will probably not be offered, though, because at present foreign countries have not
shown any interest in helping Shan villagers to rebuild their homes; instead they are
looking closely at helping the SPDC to combat the 'drug menace' in Shan State.
Conveniently ignoring most of the evidence already available showing the SPDC's
involvement in supporting drug warlords, encouraging opium production, taxing the heroin
trade, facilitating drug transport and money-laundering, several governments are
considering multilateral and bilateral cash payments to SPDC, directly or through the
United Nations Drug Control Program (UNDCP), to implement 'drug eradication' programs such
as crop substitution. Some of these programs are even targetted at the areas where over
1,400 villages have already been destroyed and relocated. The SPDC recently made it clear
that it considers forced relocation as a major 'drug eradication' strategy when it
forcibly relocated 60,000 Wa civilians from northern Shan State to the Thai border, and
claimed that this was to stop them from producing drugs. Shan villagers such as those
interviewed for this report have no involvement in drug production, but if it suits the
SPDC's military objectives to relocate them then the regime will certainly paint them as
though they are involved. Any 'drug eradication' aid given to the SPDC for the townships
affected by the relocations will only be used to justify further forced relocations and
the attendant killings and other abuses of the local population, and will thereby help to
cut off any possibility of villagers in central Shan State being able to return to their
villages and rebuild their lives.
The uncertain future for displaced Shan villagers is also compounded by plans to construct
a megadam on the Salween River to divert water and power to Thailand, a project that will
cause dire environmental and human devastation if it is built. The plan is to build a 188
metre (617 foot) high concrete faced rockfill dam a few kilometres north of Tasang, the
ferry crossing between Murng Pan and Murng Ton townships. The resulting reservoir at an
elevation of 350 metres would flood out the Salween River 230 linear kilometres (145
miles) upstream from the dam wall, encompassing 3 large tributaries of the river (the Nam
Pang, Nam Hsim and Nam Kha rivers). This would flood out areas of eastern Shan State
almost as far north as Lashio. The engineers estimate 640 square kilometres would be
affected, but independent observers believe this a gross underestimation of the damage,
probably a deliberate one in order to minimise opposition to the project. As a result of
this dam, the SPDC would clearly gain not only profits from the sale of water and power to
Thailand, but also the eradication of a massive area of Shan State where opposition groups
have always been active. According to a draft joint report released in November 1999 by
Images Asia and Terra, two independent non-governmental organisations focused on human
rights and the environment, the feasibility study for the dam is now complete and the
investors are now preparing the "Definite Plans" for the dam. This final survey
stage requires a multi-million dollar financial commitment and would take a minimum of 7
months. The Thai company funding the project is GMS Power Plc. Co. Ltd., a subsidiary of
the MDX Group of Companies who have also backed dams in Laos, Cambodia and Yunnan province
of China. As the Thai Government and the SPDC must have been involved in the decision to
proceed with the "Definite Plans" on the Salween, it is important to note that
the MDX Group, composed of former senior Members of Thai Parliament and ex-directors of
the state's Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand (EGAT), is quite politically
influential in Thailand. At present, preparatory drilling work is already underway on both
sides of the Salween River at the proposed site.
"I saw drilling machines on both sides of the bank and some were sucking water
and drilling. 3 machines on each bank. All together 6, but 3 on each side on 2 hills
[aligned on 2 hills across the river from each other]. One was on the top, one in the
middle, and one below on both banks. It was at Tang Ba Lai. It's upriver on the Salween. I
saw Shan and Thai workers on both sides. There were Burmese too. I saw military camps on
both sides. I didn't see everyone in the camp, but I think there were about 25 [soldiers]
in each camp. I saw many workers, maybe 40 or 50. Shan workers get 500 Kyat per day. The
Shan people were from around that area near the Salween. I know because we passed near
them, and we had to stop at the Burmese military camp. We stopped and talked to the Shan
workers for one hour [while they waited for the guards to decide if they could pass or
not] and they told us all about it
I saw them operating machines. The Shan also said
that there were Thais among the workers. They were Thai workers [civilians], not Thai
soldiers
They had set up tents on the river bank. The tents had plastic tarps
I asked the Shan workers, 'Brother, do you know what you are building?' They said they
didn't know what is going to be built there. They didn't tell the workers that they were
building a dam. The people who live near the Salween River told me that they are building
a dam. They told me when I got to Ta Sala." - "Sai Harn" (M, 40),
Wo Long village, Kun Hing township (Interview #6,
3/00)
There have been reports of tight security along the banks of the Salween close to the dam
survey, though a villager told KHRG that the SPDC authorities allowed him to pass the
checkpoint on his way to Thailand, even without an ID card. The ease he experienced
travelling along the river at the current time is most likely attributed to the SPDC's
willingness to see Shan people leaving Burma. The SSA and other resistance groups are
caught in the difficult position of opposing the construction of the dam for the negative
impacts it will surely cause the Shan people, but also needing to stay on good terms with
Thai authorities in order to protect their supply lines and keep escape routes open for
refugees. Similarly to the Yadana gas pipeline project in southern Burma, the Thai
authorities have probably threatened the Shan resistance with reprisals should they
sabotage the project in any way. In addition, the investors are almost certainly keen not
to provoke action by the SSA as the plans enter their critical final stage, particularly
as they try to attract funding for the project from the Japanese Government, the Asian
Development Bank and other sources. The need to maintain an untarnished image would
explain the relative freedom of travel, decent wages for labourers, and minimal
harrassment of Shan people near the site. The truth is that the dam would flood a massive
portion of the Salween valley and its tributary valleys in Shan State, thereby destroying
hundreds of villages, displacing thousands of people, and forever preventing them from
returning to their home areas. Like countless other villagers in rural Shan State whose
homes would be destroyed, the villager interviewed by KHRG said that neither he nor the
Shan workers themselves knew about the plans for the dam.
"We walked to the Salween River. We followed the Nam Pang until it got to the
Salween, then we crossed near Murng Pu Long village in Murng Paeng township. We could not
walk along the trail because we had to hide. Then we took a raft down the Salween River.
Then we crossed to the eastern side of the Salween into Murng Paeng. We rafted down the
Salween again for one day and one night. We crossed at Ta Sala. Then we went to Murng Ton
by truck
[It took us] 2 days and 1 night from Keng Kham to Ta Sala
We had to
show them our ID cards when we were on the raft, but we said we didn't have ID cards
because we were hiding in the jungle. The Burmese soldiers didn't say anything and they
allowed us to pass there. We'd brought along some chickens and the soldiers even bought
some of our chickens
The Burmese said, 'Where do you come from?' We told the truth,
'We come from Keng Kham.'" - "Sai Harn" (M, 40), Wo Long village,
Kun Hing township (Interview #6, 3/00)
Since the beginning of the forced relocations in 1996 there has been an unending stream of
Shan villagers fleeing across the border into Thailand, as villagers try, and fail, to
survive in relocation sites or fear the hazards of hiding in the jungle. Although they
have heard of both the advantages and hardships of migrant work in Thailand, in the final
analysis they believe they are safer there than inside Burma. People attempt the journey
in various ways, from walking to floating in rafts down the Salween River, to paying
exorbitant bribes to passenger truck drivers. A journey to Thailand will commonly wipe out
a family's savings; one recent arrival said he had to pay 10,000 Kyat for each member of
the family to get to the border. The main crossing points for Shan, Pa'O, Palaung, and
Lahu refugees from Shan State are on the border of Fang Province, where over 1,000
refugees continue to cross each month. In 1997 the SPDC started confiscating the National
Identity Cards of all Shans and other minority groups heading for Thailand at the final
checkpoints on the Burmese side, issuing receipts and saying that they could reclaim them
when they crossed the border again. This is a disturbing tactic which the SPDC also used
in the case of the Muslim Rohingyas when they fled from Arakan State to Bangladesh in
1992. Should the refugees later decide to return home, the SPDC can deny that they ever
lived in Burma. The lenient treatment that Shans encounter when crossing the border with
all their possessions, quite obviously intending not to return, reveals the SPDC's
willingness to expel the Shan from the area.
"We crossed near Bang Ma village [Fang area]. Near the border we passed one
Burmese gate. The Burmese soldiers took our ID cards because we told them, 'We will go to
Thailand in the morning and come back in the evening.' But we didn't go back to
collect our ID cards." - "Sai Seng" (M, 37), Nong Harn village,
Murng Pan township (Interview #4, 3/00)
"Some come to Thailand by foot. All of the villagers moved to the relocation
site together, and some have enough food, but some come to Thailand. Some have moved to
Nam Jan
I heard from other people that in Thailand it is easy to find food and earn
money to feed our families. I don't have work yet because I arrived only one month ago,
but I found an employer already." - "Nang Sai" (F, 30), Wan Mai
village, Lai Kha township (Interview #1, 3/00)
"Other people told us that Thailand is more peaceful than Shan State. In Shan
State we couldn't work and we didn't have enough food. In Thailand we were told that even
if we couldn't work every day [because they wouldn't be hired], we would still have enough
food.
We are not as happy as when we lived on our own land. But if we work every
day and we get money to live day to day to eat and survive, it's okay. It is better for us
to live here than in Shan State. If we could stay together in a [refugee] camp and have
friends near us, it would be good. But we want to work every day. If we were allowed to
work, it would be better to live there [in a refugee camp]." - "Sai
Seng" (M, 37), Nong Harn village, Murng Pan township (Interview #4, 3/00)
All indications show that the forced relocations in Shan State will probably not abate any
time soon. With no sustainable alternatives for these destitute villagers, more refugees
will flee to Thailand, dispersing into fields, factories, and brothels across the country.
Though the Shan, who call themselves Tai Yai, are ethnically linked to northern Thais and
share a similar language and culture, Thailand has been largely unsympathetic to the
plight of the Shan villagers because the Thai population has little or no knowledge of the
situation in Burma and the Thai government and army wish to stay on good terms with the
SPDC. The Thai government has therefore refused to grant refugee status to Shan migrants
or even to recognize their existence, despite the fact that they comprise a huge
percentage of the labour force of northern Thailand. As a result Shan workers have no
rights in Thailand and are widely exploited in the illegal labour market, from sweatshops
to brothels and construction sites in large cities. They are totally at the mercy of their
employers, who often pay meagre wages or withold their earnings for unspecified lengths of
time. Several years ago, most of the Shan refugees could find work near the border in Thai
farm fields, lychee orchards and other occupations, but so many refugees have come in the
past 3 years that it is now very difficult for new arrivals to find enough work to
survive. The economic crash of 1997 wiped out many construction jobs in Chiang Mai and
other northern areas which were always taken by Shan refugees, and few of these jobs have
returned as yet. Many have no choice but to head further into Thailand, placing them at
much higher risk of exploitation. It has become an employer's market, so wages and
conditions have worsened, and the oversupply of labour has also caused the Thai police and
border guards to increase the numbers of arrests and deportations and the size of the
bribes which they must be paid. Since October 1999, the Thai police have been aggressively
rounding up migrants in all parts of Thailand in a nationwide deportation campaign of
illegal workers. The future of Shan labourers, as for all migrant workers in Thailand, is
at the mercy of the economywhich has yet to recover from the 1997 crashand on
the Thai Government's steadily declining toleration for foreign workers. Until they are
granted sanctuary inside Thailand, Shan refugees crossing the border in hopes of a safer,
more peaceful life face still more displacement and yet another struggle for survival.
"If we are allowed to work and if there is work to be done, and if the Thai
people employ us, we would like to work. But if it's difficult to get work, then we would
like to stay in the [refugee] camps
Work is not always available so sometimes it is
difficult. But we just manage to survive. We want to be able to live peacefully
we
feel safe here and a bit happier. The main thing we worry about is getting work; even if
the police give us trouble it's not as bad as the Burmese soldiers." -
"Sai Heng" (M, 30), Nong Harn village, Murng Pan township (Interview #3, 3/00)